presidential executive order?

[JeffLrrp]

I don't think that gun control will be anywhere near the top of the future presidents list of things to do, regardless of who wins. I also don't think that congress will do anything regarding gun control in the next 4 years. There are much more pressing things on their agenda, like the soaring debt, medicare, social security, the Iraq fiasco, Iran, North Korea, the soon to be communist again Russia, immigration, energy cost, the economy in general, the list could go on, but guns probably won't be on it.

As far as DCvHeller goes, depending on how the Supreme Court rules, and the scope of the ruling, that will have a big effect on the new President, Congress, but more importantly, local and state laws relating to weapons, or lack there of the ability to carry or maintain them.

Of course this is all must my opinion, and we all know what opinions are worth.

I agree for the most part. Now just to remain vigiliant

[DefensiveCarry.com]

[Rob72]

(Of course some presidents have thought they were, and could.)

Have and did...

A New Central Banking Measure

The other piece of legislation, the Banking Act of 1935, was more momentous than the original Federal Reserve Act passed in 1913. In fact, the Act of 1935 might better have been labeled “The Central Banking Act of 1935,” because it virtually rewrote the earlier Act.

A central bank, like a gold standard, can assume many institutional forms that differ markedly from one another. The 1913 Fed Banks, for example, were regionally autonomous; the Board in Washington was relatively powerless. Board members were treated and paid on a scale similar to government employees in the U.S. Treasury, while the presidents of the regional Fed Banks commanded salaries comparable to those of executives heading major corporations. The Fed Banks’ gold reserves severely restricted their lending policies, as was proper under an operational gold standard. Finally, the real bills doctrine was supposed to furnish the grounds for Fed Banks’ accommodation of credit to their client member banks.

The Banking Act of 1935 changed the whole paraphernalia of monetary control. It vested the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) with complete discretionary control to determine the stock of money in the United States. Regional Fed Bank presidents still had five of the 12 seats on the FOMC, but the Board was now a seven-man majority. From that time on, the FOMC has fashioned monetary policy by authorizing the purchase (or sale) of U.S. government securities in the open market, an operation that the Fed Bank of New York conducts week by week.


When the FOMC buys the U.S. securities that the Treasury has previously sold to pay the government’s bills, it does so by creating money. This new money is either commercial bank reserves or Federal Reserve note currency. Clearly, if a 12-person board is determining the quantity of money that exists, the quantity of gold in the system has little or nothing to do with the money. Either a gold standard specifies the quantity of money in the economy, or a central bank does. A marriage of the two never lasts longer than an unhappy weekend.

The Gold Reserve Act of 1934 was the final divorce decree between gold and the monetary system. After January 31, 1934, no private household, bank, or business was allowed to own or hold more than a trivial amount of gold. Gold coin was forbidden for monetary purposes. This Act also authorized the president, Franklin Roosevelt, to raise the price of gold by 60 percent. Roosevelt, however, did not use all the power given him—only 98 percent of it. In early 1934, he increased the official mint price of gold, which had been $20.67 per ounce for 100 years, to $35 per ounce. The Treasury gold stock, valued at $4,033 million in January 1934, became $7,348 million in February 1934, an increase of $3,405 million by the decree of one man.3 The federal government had also, unconstitutionally, repudiated all gold clauses in its contracts and debts, so it did not have to share any of its newfound wealth with the private sector. In one month Congress and Roosevelt, by their legislative and administrative fiats, created seigniorage revenue from gold equal to one year’s ordinary tax revenues. In contrast, the federal government of 1834–1837, when it realized one year’s extraordinary revenue from land sales, returned that surplus to the state governments to be used or distributed as those sovereign governments saw fit.

Gold Policy in the 1930s: Publications: The Independent Institute

With a Dem Congress, easier than Stalin's purges...